Some Italian bookstores also have English-language sections. Try the large selection of English books but also French, Spanish and more at Feltrinelli International in via Vittorio Emanuele Orlando - or the smaller selection at its store in Largo Argentina. This is Rome's main airport. It is modern, large, rather efficient, and well connected to the centre of the city. You have the choice between a dedicated express train or private coaches that both stop at or next to Roma Termini, the main train station in the centre. Regular trains do not go directly to Roma Termini, but might be an option if you stay in other parts of the city, or want to change to other trains or the metro.
Late-night arrivals may limit your public transport choice to an irregular bus into town. Taxis operate on a fixed fare to the centre any point within the city's ancient Aurelian Walls. See the main airport article for more details. This is the city's low-cost airline airport, serving Ryanair and Wizzair flights. This small airport is closer to the city centre than Fiumicino but has no direct train connection. There are plans to move the low-cost airport much further out of Rome, but this is unlikely for some years.
At Ciampino cash machines are available only in the departures area. This is a relatively small airport and it closes overnight. You will be locked out of the airport until it opens again for the first check-in around or Flying into Ciampino try to sit on the right of the plane, which will fly just to the east of the centre of the city. There are a few direct coach services from Ciampino, all of which go to the Termini in downtown Rome:.
There are two indirect public transport services from Ciampino airport involving a local ATRAL bus, plus a metro or train. These local ATRAL buses operate roughly every hour or 30 minutes during the Italian work day and , and you should count on at least 45 minutes travel time for either route. The cheapest way from the airport is to take ATAC urban bus line to You cannot buy tickets on the bus, but there are ATAC vending machines shortly before you leave the airport. However, since the shuttle is shared, it may take longer to reach your destination if other customers are dropped off before you are.
At Ciampino there is supposed to be an organised taxi queue but the drivers will often negotiate among themselves if you are going somewhere the cab at the front doesn't want to go to. If you have to take a cab just pay the legal fare at your destination. If you have no stomach for the resulting argument then you can phone a cab from one of the numbers listed under Get Around. Rental cars are available from all major companies. Providers can be reached easily in the arrivals halls. Another option, is to book a licensed limousine or minicab in advance online.
The same prices also apply from Ciampino Airport. Rome's main railway station is Most long-distance trains passing through Rome between these times will stop at Tiburtina station instead. See also "By boat" below. Most others e. Driving to Rome is quite easy; as they say, all roads lead to Rome. If you are going to the very centre of the city any road leading off the GRA will get you there.
If you are going anywhere else, however, a GPS or a good map is essential. Signs on the GRA indicate the name of the road leading to the centre e. Many ships arrange shuttle buses to and from the pedestrian port entrance. From there you can walk 10—15 minutes along the shore to the Civitavecchia train station. Purchase of a B. Trains for commuters leave every hour or so, more often during rush hours, and take about 80 minutes. You can get off near St. Peters Trastevere station , or continue to the Termini station right downtown, where countless buses and the Metro await.
If you're carrying luggage, see "About luggage" in "By train" above. At some ten times the cost, cruise ships often offer bus transport to Rome as well, taking 2 hours or so to reach some location downtown depending on traffic. It is now possible for modest- to large-sized yachts to dock in the new Porto di Roma, Ostia marina, located 20 kilometers from Rome and linked by train and metro.
Their stations are not within practical walking distance of the marina or riverside boat facilities. In a nutshell: Don't do it. Well, some people actually enjoy it as a master class in defensive driving.
Roman traffic is chaotic and has been since the first century BC , but it is possible to drive there. However, the roads are not logical, the signs are few and the condition of the roads gets worse daily. It will take a few weeks to understand where to drive, to get where you want to go. When driving in Rome it is important to accept that Italians drive in a very pragmatic way.
Taking turns and letting people go in front of you is rare, but pedestrians are usually grudgingly yielded to. Motorbikes and scooters are driven fearlessly, darting in and out of traffic and splitting lanes. There is little patience so if the light is green when you go into the intersection and you are too slow they will let you know. A green light turning to amber is a reason to accelerate, not brake, in part because the lights usually stay amber for several seconds. If you brake immediately when the light changes you are likely to get rear-ended. Parking is so scarce, that in some areas you may have to leave your car kilometers away from your destination.
Rome is plagued with people who demand money to direct you to a space, even on the rare occasions when there are many places available, however the locals can make anywhere a parking space by flashing their hazard-lights, even if it looks like they are getting away with it, do not try this.
While in Rome, it is far better to travel by bus or metro, or in extremis take a taxi. In the centre, many areas are limited to drivers with special electronic passes. If you go into these areas which are camera controlled and marked with the sign ZTL you will end up with a large fine, particularly if your car has Italian plates.
Some private citizens dress up their cars to look like cabs. These people strategically locate themselves at airports and railway stations waiting for travellers. Beware of operators who don't display a licensed meter and ID. Use only authorised taxis white vehicles with a taximeter that are available in the arrivals areas of the terminals. Also, some airport employees may direct you to a 'Taxi' driver if you ask where you find them when you are inside the airport terminal.
The 'Taxi' could end up being a Mercedes limo, costing you double the fare of a real taxi, and a tricky situation to get out of as your luggage is locked away in the limo's trunk. Taxis are the most expensive way to get around Rome, but when weighed against convenience and speed, they are often worth it.
Roman taxis run on meters, and you should always make sure the driver starts the meter. Taxis will typically pick you up only at a taxi stand, which you will find at all but the smallest piazzas, as well as at the main train station or when called by phone. Flagging down a taxi is possible but quite rare as the taxi drivers prefer to use the stands. When you get in the cab, there will be a fixed starting charge, which will be more for late nights, Sundays and holidays.
So, if you have a limited amount of luggage that wouldn't need to go in the trunk, you may decline when the driver offers to put your bags in the trunk. Drivers may not use the shortest route, so try to follow the route with a map and discuss if you feel you're being tricked. Be warned that when you phone for a taxi, the cab's meter starts running when it is summoned, not when it arrives to pick you up, so by the time a cab arrives at your location, there may already be a substantial amount on the meter. A major problem is that taxi drivers often leave the previous fare running on the meter.
If you are not in a hurry you should tell him there are very few female cab drivers in Rome to get lost, but if you are desperate to get to the airport it's a different matter. You can get a taxi pretty easily at any piazza though, so calling ahead is really not required. The main taxi companies may be called at , , , , and Once you're in the centre, you are best off on foot. What could be more romantic than strolling through Rome on foot holding hands?
That is hard to beat! Crossing a street in Rome can be a bit challenging. There are crosswalks, but they are rarely located at signalled intersections. Traffic can be intimidating, but if you are at a crosswalk just start walking and cars will let you cross the street. While crossing watch out for the thousands of mopeds.
As in many European cities, even if the cars and trucks are stationary due to a jam or for another legal reason, mopeds and bikes will be trying to squeeze through the gaps and may be ignoring the reason why everyone else has stopped. This means that even if the traffic seems stationary you need to pause and look around into the gaps.
Tickets must be bought from a 'Tabacchi' - look for the big 'T' sign, these shops are plentiful, or from a kiosk selling newspapers before you board the bus, Metro, or tram. Metro stations have automated ticket kiosks, and major Metro stations have clerked ticket windows.
Some of the rare trams have single ticket machines as well. Tickets for regular ATAC buses, Metro, and trams are the same fares and are compatible with each other. Ticket options are as follows:. When you board the bus or metro you have to validate the ticket 'convalidare' in the little yellow machine. The last four types of ticket on the list above must be validated the first time you use them only.
On the whole, the integrated passes are not economical. Unless you take many rides spread all over the day, the single ticket ride option is preferable. Many visitors just walk through the city in one direction and take a single ride back. ATAC polices the buses, Metro, and trams for people riding without tickets.
Inspectors can be rare on some buses, although they tend to increase their presence in the summer. Inspectors are present on the Metro as well, and you should keep your validated ticket throughout your journey as proof-of-payment. If you don't have sufficient money on you to pay the fine, they will actually escort you to an ATM to pay the fee. Inspectors can also fine you for getting in and out of the wrong door, even if the bus is empty! The entrances are the front and rear doors and the exit in the middle. Many Romans ignore this distinction. The Roma Pass includes full access to the public transport system.
Read the See section for details. You can find real-time information about bus waiting times, as well as a journey planner, at Muoversi a Roma or it's lighter version perhaps an older one. Transit maps and directions area also available on Apple Maps requires an internet connection , and Google Maps can be downloaded for offline use. Roman buses are reliable but crowded. They are the best way to get around the city except walking.
Free maps of the bus system are available. Signs at the bus stop list the stops for each route. Ask for assistance. In Rome, there is always somebody nearby who speaks English. Some bus lines have arrivals every ten minutes or so. Less popular routes may arrive every half hour or less. If heading outside the centre beware that bus schedules can be seriously disrupted by heavy traffic.
The Roman Empire: in the First Century. The Series. Transcript 4 | PBS
Quite often trips just get cancelled. Do not rely on counting the number of stops from your current location to the destination. The signs on the stops mention only the major streets where the bus stops, but there may be 3 or 5 stops for each one. Instead, ask the driver or consult with your GPS. The and are little electric buses which wind through the Centro Storico; does not work on holidays.
The Tram routes mostly skirt the historic centre, but there are stops convenient for the Vatican, the Colosseum, and the Trastevere area. The number 8 does run into the centre to Largo Argentina, not far from the Pantheon, and terminate at Piazza Venezia. If you want to catch a soccer game at one of the stadiums in the north of the city, catch the tram 2 just north of the Piazza del Popolo.
Number 19 links the Vatican with Villa Borghese. All lines open at and stop running at , except Fridays and Saturdays, when the last trains leave from the stations at The Metro is the most punctual form of public transportation in Rome, but it can get extremely crowded during rush hour. See safety warning in the Stay Safe section. There is a network of suburban rail lines that mostly connect to smaller towns and conurbations of Rome. Tourists are unlikely to use these, except when arriving from Fiumicino, but they can be very convenient if you fancy a day-trip out of Rome see Go next.
There is the possibility to hire motor bikes or scooters. Many Romans prefer this way of transportation, even in winter you can see them driving scooters equipped with raincoats, blankets, and rain boots. Motorbikes are not particularly safe in Rome and most accidents seem to involve one or two!
Nevertheless, Roman traffic is chaotic and a scooter provides excellent mobility within the city. The traffic can be intimidating and the experience exciting but a bit insane. There is the possibility to hire any kind of bike in Rome: from tandem, road bikes, children bikes to trekking bikes. Some shops are even specialised only on high quality ones while street stands will hire you cheaper and heavy ones. Bicycling alone can be stressful because of the traffic. The best way is to discover first how to move around and avoid traffic and stress with a guide thanks to one of the tours offered by almost all rental shops.
The experience is well worth it and you would reduce also your impact on the city environment and on the traffic. Even moderately experienced cyclists, however, may find that cycling through Rome's streets offers an unparalleled way to learn the city intimately and get around very cheaply and efficiently. While the Roman traffic is certainly chaotic to someone from a country with more regimented and enforced rules of the road, Roman drivers are, generally speaking, used to seeing bicycles, as well as scooters and motorcycles, and one may move throughout the city relatively easily.
If you are in a car's way, they will generally let you know with a quick beep of the horn and wait for you to move. A particularly spectacular, and relaxing, cycle trip is to pedal out along la Via Appia Antica , the original Appian Way that linked much of Italy to Rome. Some of the original cobblestones, now worn by over 2 millennia of traffic, are still in place. With exceptionally light traffic in most sections, you can casually meander your bike over kilometres of incredible scenery and pass ancient relics and active archaeological sites throughout the journey.
It is now possible to rent a Segway in Rome. It is a fast and convenient way to get around in the city centre. In Rome, a person on a Segway is considered a pedestrian, not a motorist, so Segways are only allowed on the sidewalks, not in the streets with vehicles.
Moreover, it is possible to book online several Segway Tour in Rome, focused on certain attractions or itineraries. Some of the main rental websites are:. Italians are very fond of their landmarks; in order to make them accessible to everyone one week a year there is no charge for admittance to all publicly owned landmarks and historical sites.
This week, known as " La settimana dei beni culturali ", typically occurs in mid-May and for those 7 to 10 days every landmark, archaeological site and museum belonging to government agencies including the Quirinale presidential palace and gardens, the Colosseum and all of the ancient Forum is accessible and free of charge. For more information and for specific dates see  or . Government-owned museums and historical sites have free admission on the first Sunday of every month. If you'll be staying in Rome for at least 3 days, consider purchasing the Roma Pass.
Check the expiration date at the back of the Roma Pass card. If the card's validity has expired it does not work in the metro's ticket gate. Be sure to buy the passes at official tourist offices. There are also small booths on the streets that sell tickets, but they could charge you a higher price. Another advantage of the Roma Pass is that you can often skip the waiting queues if it's one of your first two free entrances.
It costs euros for 3 days. Constructed between and , at the time of Mussolini, this road destroyed a large area of Renaissance and medieval buildings constructed on top of ruins of the ancient forums and ended forever plans for an archeological park stretching all the way to the Appian Way. To the left, after the Colosseum is a wide, tree-lined path that climbs through the Colle Oppio park. Underneath this park is the Golden House of Nero Domus Aurea , an enormous and spectacular underground complex restored and then closed again due to damage caused by heavy rain.
Further to the left on the Esquiline Hill are ruins of Trajan's baths. In Old Rome you must see the Pantheon, which is amazingly well preserved considering it dates back to AD. There is a hole constructed in the ceiling so it is an interesting experience to be there when it is raining. Until this was covered in narrow streets and small houses, which were razed to the ground when ruins of Roman temples were discovered.
This is connected by a covered fortified corridor to the Vatican and served as a refuge for Popes in times of trouble. You can then head South-East on the old Appian Way, passing through a stretch of very well-preserved city wall. Returning to the Modern Centre , the Baths of Diocletian are opposite the entrance to the main railway station, Termini. The National Museum of Rome stands in the South-West corner of the Baths complex and has an enormous collection of Roman sculptures and other artefacts. But this is just one of numerous museums devoted to ancient Rome, including those of the Capitoline Hill.
It is really amazing how much there is. In Catholic tradition, St. Peter is said to have founded the church in Rome together with St. The first churches of Rome originated in places where early Christians met, usually in the homes of private citizens. By the IVth Century, however, there were already four major churches, or basilicas. Rome had 28 cardinals who took it in turns to give mass once a week in one of the basilicas. In one form or another the four basilicas are with us today and constitute the major churches of Rome. All pilgrims to Rome are expected to visit these four basilicas, together with San Lorenzo fuori le mura , Santa Croce in Gerusalemme , and the Sanctuary of Divino Amore.
The latter was inserted as one of the seven at the time of the Great Jubilee in , replacing San Sebastiano outside the walls. Take a look inside a few churches. You'll find the richness and range of decor astonishing, from fine classical art to tacky electric candles. Starting with several good examples of early Christian churches, including San Clemente and Santa Costanza , there are churches built over a period of years or so, including modern churches constructed to serve Rome's new suburbs. Some churches in Rome deny admission to people who are dressed inappropriately. You will find "fashion police" at the most visited churches.
Bare shoulders, short skirts, and shorts are officially not allowed, but long shorts and skirts reaching just above the knee should generally be no problem. However, it's always safer to wear longer pants or skirts that go below the knee; St. Peter's in particular is known for rejecting tourists for uncovered knees, shoulders, midriffs, etc. You also generally won't be told until right before you enter the church, so you will have made the trek to the Vatican and stood in a long security line for nothing.
The stricter churches usually have vendors just outside selling inexpensive scarves and sometimes plastic pants. But relatively few churches enforce dress codes and you can wander into most wearing shorts, sleeveless shirts, or pretty much anything without problems. It is, however, good to keep one's dress tasteful, as these are still churches and houses of prayer for many people. Older Romans might comment on your attire and perhaps harass you if it is particularly revealing. To the modern visitor, the Seven Hills of Rome can be rather difficult to identify.
In the first place generations of buildings constructed on top of each other and the construction of tall buildings in the valleys have tended to make the hills less pronounced than they originally were. Secondly, there are clearly more than seven hills. In Roman days many of these were outside the city boundaries. The seven hills were first occupied by small settlements and not recognised as a city for some time. Rome came into being as these settlements acted together to drain the marshy valleys between them and turn them into markets and fora.
The Roman Forum used to be a swamp. Legend has it that this was occupied by Romulus when he fell out with his brother, Remus, who occupied the Aventine Hill on the other side of the Circus. Also clearly recognisable as hills are the Caelian , to the southeast of Circus Maximus and the Capitoline , which overlooks the Forum and now hosts the Municipality of Rome. These are less easy to distinguish as separate hills these days and from a distance look like one. Small bits of this wall can still be seen, particularly close to Termini railway station and on the Aventine hill.
As Rome expanded new walls were required to protect the larger area. Lengthy sections of this wall remain all around the outskirts of Rome's centre. Much is in very good condition. Among other hills of Rome, not included in the seven, are that overlooking the Vatican ; the Janiculum overlooking Trastevere , which provides excellent views of Rome; the Pincio on the edge of the Borghese Gardens , which gives good views of the Vatican, and the Monte Mario to the north.
If you are in Rome for the Arts there are several world-class museums in the city. The Capitoline Museums in the Colosseo district opens their doors to the city's most important collection of antique Roman and Greek art and sculptures. A visit to Rome is not complete without a trip to the Vatican Museum. You need to go to the museum if you want to see the Sistine Chapel, but there is an enormous collection.
You cannot miss part of this, such as tapestries, maps and the rooms painted by Rafael, as they are en route to the Sistine Chapel, but there is much, much more to explore, including a stunning Egyptian collection, and the Pinacoteca, which includes a Portrait of St. Further afield, the Museo di Civilta Romana Museum of Rome's Civilization , in EUR is most famous for an enormous model of Imperial Rome, but also has an extensive display of plaster casts, models and reconstructions of statues and Roman stonework. If you have plenty of time there is absolutely no shortage of other museums covering a wide variety of interests.
Check museum opening hours before heading there. Government museums are invariably closed on Mondays, so that is a good day for other activities. The Rome municipality itself operates some 17 museums and attractions. Info at Musei In Comune Roma. These are free to European Union citizens under 18 and over Websites for other museums are listed on the relevant District pages.
Much of the attraction of Rome is in just wandering around the old city. You can quickly escape from the major tourist routes and feel as if you are in a small medieval village, not a capital city. If you can do so while watching for uneven cobblestones, keep looking upwards. There are some amazing roof gardens and all sorts of sculptures, paintings and religious icons attached to exterior walls. Look through 2nd and 3rd floor windows to see some oak-beamed ceilings in the old houses. Look through the archway entrances of larger Palazzos to see incredible courtyards, complete with sculptures, fountains and gardens.
Take a stroll in the area between Piazza Navona and the Tiber river in Old Rome where artisans continue to ply their trade from small shops. The narrow streets frequently broaden out into small or large squares piazzas , which usually have one or more churches and a fountain or two. On the other side of Corso Vittorio Emanuele are Piazza Farnese with the Palazzo of the same name now the French Embassy and two interesting fountains and the flower sellers at Campo dei Fiori , scene of Rome's executions in the old days.
All of these squares are a short distance from each other in Old Rome. The enormous Piazza del Popolo in the North Centre , which provided an imposing entrance to the city when it represented the northern boundary of Rome, is well worth a visit. A short walk back towards the centre brings you to Piazza di Spagna at the foot of the Spanish Steps. Yet another fascinating fountain here. On the other side of the river is, of course, the magnificent square of St Peter's at the Vatican. Further south, in Trastevere is Piazza Santa Maria in Trastevere , a great place to watch the world go by, either from one of the restaurants or bars that line two sides of the square or, if that is too expensive, from the steps of the central fountain.
The square attracts many street entertainers. Moving back to the Modern Centre you have to see the Trevi Fountain , surely a part of everyone's Roman holiday. Visitors are always amazed that such a big and famous fountain is tucked away in a small piazza in the middle of side streets. Take extra-special care of your possessions here. Further up the Via del Tritone you will come to Piazza Barberini , now full of traffic but the lovely Bernini fountain is not to be missed.
This would be an interesting place to visit after seeing the Colosseum to compare their differences and similarities. With no tall buildings in Rome, views of the city come from climbing the many hills, either the original seven hills of Rome or others that surround them. The two most popular views of Rome are from the Janiculum hill overlooking Trastevere and the Pincio at the edge of the Borghese Gardens. The former, best reached by car, has sweeping views of the centre of Rome, as long as the authorities remember to prune the trees on the hillside in front of the viewpoint.
Cross over the piazza for an excellent view of the dome of St Peter's. Less popular, but just as nice, is the orange grove at Parco Savello on the Aventine Hill. Even less popular among tourists, as it is better accessed by car or moped, it the small square in front of the Zodiaco Restaurant in Monte Mario, a very popular spot for young Roman couples. If you are planning some serious sightseeing then leave the kids with their grandparents!
A common sight in Rome is miserable looking kids traipsing after their parents. If you are a family, do not try to do too much. It will be a big strain on kids and in the end everyone will be tired. Apart from the major attractions Rome has relatively little to entertain kids. If you noticed a big Ferris wheel on your way in from Fiumicino Airport, think again. Lunapark at EUR was closed down in A few of the other ways to bribe your kids, however, are:.
Rome is replete with foreign language and cultural institutions. Of course, learning Italian is a worthwhile activity if you plan to stay for any length of time. If you plan to combine a stay in Rome with academic study, there are several English-language universities. If you want to work ask around at the hostels, hotels and restaurants. There are differing views on how easy it is to get a job in Rome, however.
There is high unemployment and most jobs seem to go on a family - friends - other Romans - other Italians - white EU - other foreigners pecking order. Knowing Italian helps. And be wary about making any financial commitments before you've actually been paid -- late and non-payment is common here, and you may find as a non-Roman you are more likely to be seen as an easy target for this.
You will also need a permesso di soggiorno, whether or not you are an EU resident. Legally, you are required to have a working visa, although it is very easy to work and live without one. There are numerous schools to teach the English language in Rome and if you are a mother-tongue this may be the best opportunity of picking up part-time work. In Rome, obviously, the population speaks Italian. If you are staying in the city there are plenty of English alternatives to be found.
Seeing as Rome is a popular place to visit there are maps and information in many languages available. Police officers and transit drivers are more than willing to help you get around and usually provide easier ways to get around. Some residents still speak the ancient local dialect, Romanesco ; nowadays, however, Italian is the more common mother tongue.
English is widely spoken in Rome by the younger generations and by people working in the tourist industry. Since many people have a limited knowledge of English, it is wise to speak slowly and simply. Romance languages other than Italian, especially Spanish, Portuguese and French, are also fairly widely understood due to their similarity to Italian, although not necessarily spoken. Rome has excellent shopping opportunities of all kinds - from clothing and jewellery to art and antiques. You also get some big department stores, outlets and shopping centres, notably in the suburbs and outskirts.
They were often judged against standards of Greek and Roman art and found lacking 57 or claimed as examples of Mesopotamian or Parthian art. The figure of a funeral Eros with a lowered torch. Or should we suppose that the house belonged to Bolazeos and that the paintings represent the funeral banquet held in his memory. His suggestion of a heroized founder for a thiasos or a funeral banquet for the house owner Bolazeos both rely on a determina- tion that the Eros figure with downturned torch located between the hunt and banquet scenes has a funerary intent and meaning.
In addition to early discussion of the paintings, the texts on the wall especially the Palymrene ones also received attention. The names of the participants, 19 Gail L. Hoffman painters, and the parties to the debt contract the borrower s name is identical to one of the banqueters all suggest local backgrounds.
As a group the wall paintings of Dura-Europos are fascinating. They were discovered in all the religious buildings pagan, Christian, and Jewish , in some larger presumably residential structures, 63 and also in two of the four baths. In some of the dedicatory inscriptions, the artists are named. All of the preserved artist names are Semitic and may suggest that these wall paintings as well as other portable paintings on wood and parchment from the site were created by local or regional artists working for local patrons.
Maura Heyn, who looked at the contexts of the painting of Terentius fig. The creation of the scenes was dynamic as paintings were added one by one over nearly years and she noted that the paintings themselves apparently served as votive offerings. This is not ornamental decoration, then, with an emphasis on aesthetically pleasing forms or a large coherent decorative program designed to tell a story. Painting these scenes was itself part of a ritual act and the images were probably also accompanied by ex votos on shelves.
Many of the paintings in the Tem- ple of the Palmyrene Gods covered or were themselves covered with graffiti both scratched inscriptions and drawings. The south wall scene in House M7-W6 has a painted graffito that records a debt owed by Addudanes to Mokimos and another to remember [Ijmedabous. One example is the work of Jennifer Baird who has reconstructed many of the household assemblages from the site. About House M7-W6 she observes, Strangely, the unique interest of the paintings from M7W, and particularly their Palmyrene connection, has never provoked a more thorough study of the structure.
These efforts seek to understand better the activities that took place in the architectural spaces. Once the rampart was built against the city wall, a staircase ran in the street along the northern wall of M7W to give access to the upper parts of the rampart. One could also enter the building more directly from the west, through Room W3 tentatively identified as a stable in the excavation reports. The door lintel was supported by jambs with decorative plaster capitals. Inside, low plaster platforms roughly a meter wide were built along the walls fig. Near the western side of the door an oblong basin preserved with traces of burning served as a brazier for warming the room.
The paintings were excavated from parts of the western and southern walls though they probably origi- nally covered all four walls. This basic plan fig. As Baird observes, to use the word andron even though some papyri at Dura-Europos do use this term might mislead readers into thinking that the house was built in adherence to a Greco-Roman plan or that this was a special dining room space for use by men.
The term diwan is anachronistic, referring to a private audience room in later Islamic architecture. Room 3 entered from the street 2. View of M7-W6 showing low platform benches during excavation. Baird, after originals by Van W. Knox and A. Hoffman at the west, for example, had around 81 coins recorded during its excavation as well as pot- tery and lamp fragments, animal figurines, a bone weaving tool, bronze toilet instruments, a fibula, a finger ring, and iron arrowhead quite a surprising haul for a room described in the preliminary reports as possibly a stable.
Elsewhere in the structure many more coins, figu- rine fragments, stamped pottery, lamps, glass fragments, S-fibulae and other bronze objects were excavated. In the main room W6 , in addition to the paintings described above, there was a gypsum statuette of a goddess seated on a cone perhaps related to Mesopotamian cone figures ; 79 two plaster blocks with molded boys heads in relief are mentioned in the preliminary reports; 80 many coins; parts of clay lamps, vessels, and figurines; and bronze, bone, and glass objects.
There are also many niches built into the walls of the various rooms. The artifact assemblage, some features of the plan, as well as the paintings and bilingual inscriptions in the main room may indicate that this structure was not simply a home. Could this building have served for the meetings of a Palmyrene religious group as Ros- tovtzeff proposed? Could some of the rooms of M7W have been used as a type of commer- cial establishment as considered by Baird?
Is it possible that stable space as suggested in the preliminary excavation reports was rented to visitors arriving at the nearby Palymrene Gate? We may never know for sure; but one path forward in the research and analysis would be to explore what this structure and its finds might tell us of the identities of those living in and using it. For example, the elements of the banquet who attends, gender, dress, food, postures, gesture, objects ; 82 the food served and vessels used; the choice of dress and adornment 83 which would include toileting and grooming prac- tices 84 ; the languages of the painted inscriptions; and even the presence of numerous coins all could indicate something about the identities of the people who once lived here or used these spaces.
Such analysis requires posing a different set of questions about the material remains and also suggests how different approaches to the study of objects and their con- texts might prove beneficial. Returning to the south wall painting from M7- W6 fig. Such an interpretation belongs to approaches based in ideas of Romanization that analyze and interpret elements of artistic images primarily through reference to those found at Rome.
Yet there is little evi- dence that Dura-Europos had strong artistic links with that city. Closer geographically and chronologically to the Dura painting, Eros with a downturned torch appears on the reverse of Roman provincial coins figs. Similarly, suggesting the banquet scene in M7-W6 might be a funeral feast because of the presence of the Eros and by comparison to dining scenes in the funerary art of Asia Minor privileges interpretation of the painting through a Greco-Roman lens.
A closer place to look for comparative material would be at Dura-Europos itself and perhaps its near neighbor Palmyra as suggested by the inscriptions in Palmyrene. Indeed, banqueting and hunting scenes appear frequently in other buildings at Dura for exam- ple, the Mithraeum contained both types of scenes.
Banqueting appears often as part of religious scenes from the site, while paintings of the hunt are also found at Dura in the Temple of Azzanathkona, 86 in the House of the Frescoes C7F , 87 and are frequent also in graffiti. This Palmyrene relief sculpture of a male banqueter shows a very similar posture and gesture to the figures in the 22 Being Roman in the Provinces: Experiences of Empire and Investigations of Identities Dura-Europos painting reclining with his left elbow on a cushion and balanc- ing a bowl on his fingertips, his right hand holds an object figs.
Indeed recent work on clothing and attire has begun to explore its significant relation- ship to expressions of social and cultural identity. On the one hand dress choices are both public and personal permitting an individual to use clothing in reaction to surrounding social and cultural pro- cesses. Dress can be used to express complex and multiple identities e.
Although dress can provide a means for expressing cultural identities, no consensus yet exists on its signif- icance in the art of Dura-Europos. Sadly the specific coins found in these rooms can no longer be identified. This information was not kept or published with the coins which were analyzed using the standard methods and procedures of the time.
Yet coins and their anal- ysis provide another interesting example of how a change in perspective might expand our understanding and interpretation of material culture and its potential uses in the prov- inces. Indeed, mone- tization is sometimes viewed as part of Romanization. Reverses of copper coins depicting Eros with downturned torch, early 3 rd century CE. Yale University Art Gallery, Hoffman A long-term project is underway through the auspices of the British Museum to cata- logue coins from the Roman provinces.
In this volume Metcalf s essay explores some of the essential informa- tion about such provincial coin production authority, circulation, motives for striking. By looking further at the use of coins within the provinces, other topics might also be explored: what language s were used in a region is there evidence of bilingualism ; what evidence is there about local cults and monuments; is there evidence for competition and interaction among areas on the periphery?
Even these questions, however, emphasize analysis of coins from the perspective of Rome and its reasons for coin production. Joris Aarts has proposed that Roman coins of all forms imperial as well as provincial should be studied in a much broader way by including their possible functions in social or ritual exchange. Examining coin use among the Batavians a people living in the Rhine delta at the edge of the empire , Aarts has shown that the coins reaching this area were placed into hoards, were offered in ritual contexts, and might also have been used in market exchange.
The people living in this area knew how to use coins in market exchanges yet they also used them for other purposes to store as valuables and to make votive offerings. On the one hand they might suggest commercial or business trans- actions or perhaps the presence of Roman soldiers, but can we rule out the possibility that these coins were used like tesserae at Palmyra for ritual banquets?
Similarly the image of the Eros with downturned torch at first linked to Roman funerary imagery might instead reference an image found on the reverse of provincial coinage. Rather these choices and expressions of identities varied over time, within provinces from place to place and among different groups e. Because what we label Roman culture itself a problematic term — do we mean any material culture created and used within the borders of the empire? As a result the empire possessed various mixed or hybrid cultures.
Experiences of empire were likely both positive and negative. The responses people had to their conquerors and to the conqueror s language, religion, and material culture no doubt varied widely and so then did what these people brought into the empire. One important step in understanding 24 Being Roman in the Provinces: Experiences of Empire and Investigations of Identities this process is to better characterize and understand the local responses and identities in the provinces themselves.
How did the conquest of empire affect and change its material culture? Studies that examine provincial art and material cul- ture more broadly then and so seek to explore and understand the large variety of reactions to empire are just starting to reveal the myriad of ways in which people negotiated and performed the many identities in the Roman provinces. Hoffman 1 Richard Hingley, ed. Yet the types of groups using this image varied dramatically from the American Founders to Napoleon as well as the Nazis in Ger- many and fascists in Italy.
David J. Mattingly Ports- mouth: Journal of Roman Archaeology, , , esp. London: J. Murray, Norton, is cred- ited with beginning this process. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, for a recent museum exhibition on this emperor. Hadrian traveled through this vast ter- ritory visiting many of its regions, issuing sestertius coins in honor of different provinces and creating sculptural images of various provinces.
See ibid. Carl H. David Potter Oxford: Blackwell, , , esp. Whereas in the early years of the empire Roman citizenship conferred significant benefits to a select minority, after the Constitutio Antoniniana in CE this privilege was extended to all freeborn men within the empire. Wells, ed. Some recent maps rather than using a solid line for the border create a border zone by overlaying two color patterns. Patricia Baker et al. Alan K. Manning and Ian Morris, eds. On the changing economy of the later empire: L.
Rich, eds. Gieben, ; Peter Garn- sey and C. Mattingly and John Salmon, eds. Any modern comparison is difficult; a sestertius could buy two loaves of bread. In the year Boecklin and J. The usefulness of Romanization for understanding the Roman Empire is hotly contested. The ripple effects could extend beyond imperial territory.
Mary Harlow Oxford: Archaeopress, , , esp.
Hoffman, eds. Perhaps in this painting it indicates tapestries or textiles hanging from the wall? For an image, J. Kahil et al. Infra note 88 for references to graffiti at Dura-Europos. For images, YUAG There were also preserved five painted oval wooden shields YUAG For a recent example of a micro-history for two ancient Egyptian houses one elite, the other non-elite see Anna L.
Ben Croxford et al. Oxford: Oxbow Books, , , esp. Cynthia S. Colburn and Maura K. For some of this discussion: Rostovtzeff et al. Jennifer Y. Chi and Sebastian Heath, exh. Mattingly Introduction: Ways of Seeing and Ways of Being in the Roman World The rise of the nation state and the triumph of the great monotheisms have helped shape a modern world in which our identity affiliations are often founded on one or other of these primary cultural bases. Yet the world has not been ever thus, and plural identities and multiple cultural associations have generally been much more common in human societies than sin- gular affiliations.
In place of an agenda that has prioritized the commonalities and similar cultural practices across this vast empire under the paradigm of Romanization, I argue instead that the study of the heterogeneity and hybridity present in Roman provincial societies offers a complementary and potentially more interest- ing perspective on the Roman world.
Mattingly peoples, whose experience and knowledge of the empire varied enormously. The historical model of the Roman Empire embeds knowledge into a discourse that smooths off the rough edges and idealizes its structures in an essentialist fashion.
Despite the massive erosion of knowledge about the Roman Empire through loss of doc- umentary records and destruction of sites and material culture over time, the reality is that ancient historians today know far more about the history, geography, and functioning of the empire than the average subject would have in antiquity. However, the opposite is true of the individual experience of empire, which was highly personal. A similar argument can surely also be extended to the idea of what it meant to be Roman. Modern scholarship has reified its understanding based on a mass of fragmentary information to project an image of average Romans.
These are the people we tend to encounter in museum pictorial displays and popular books: dining on couches, walking on mosaic floors, wearing togas or Mediterranean-style stolas, erecting statues to the living, tombstones to the deceased, and dedications to Lati- nized gods, or being stereotypical soldiers and gladiators.
Yet how close were these imagined Romans to the everyday realities of provincial life? My sense is that there were many types of Roman lived experience. Nor should this be difficult for us to countenance. We live in a postcolonial age, increasingly in polyglot, mul- ticultural, and multi-ethnic communities, practicing a wide array of religions. My home city of Leicester in the UK has a minority white Anglo-Saxon population living alongside large groups of people whose families originated in parts of South or East Asia, in Africa, and in the West Indies, to consider just the major groups.
The religious landscape there comprises not only a wide variety of buildings relating to Christian denominations Catholic, Anglican, non- conformist, Quaker, etc. Children in schools readily cross bound- aries of race and religion and indulge in common interests and activities, but at home or after school they may speak different languages and participate in activities that closely bond them to distinctive sub-communities attending Koranic school at the mosque and so on.
In some respects, this sort of code switching in twenty- first- century Leicester has more in common with Roman antecedents, in that the Roman period was characterized by enhanced migration and social diversity and plural identities. This idea is strongly evoked by the comment from St. For one thing, Augus- tine was writing about the early fifth-century position, when it is indeed logical to assume that pre-Roman ethnic identities had been diluted after many centuries of imperial rule.
But we 36 Identities in the Roman World: Discrepancy, Heterogeneity, Hybridity, and Plurality should be careful how far we retroject the idea of a commonly perceived Roman identity that was more or less ubiquitous across the empire. In any case, Roman identity was more a matter of law than of culture. Roman citizenship was part of a package of status and privileges that might have facilitated such a development, but its cultural significance is easily exaggerated.
In the western provinces, enfranchisement of the Italian peoples, and later elite members of the conquered communities, auxiliary vet- erans, manumitted slaves of citizens, and even some entire particularly compliant and mer- it-worthy communities added significant numbers to the body of Roman citizens; similar processes operated to a lesser extent in the eastern provinces too.
However, before the Consti- tutio Antoniniana in CE, Roman citizens remained an influential and privileged minority within the empires overall population. The Roman citizen body comprised people of radically different status groups— at one extreme aristocratic oligarchs, at the other ex-slaves, along with soldiers, veterans, and families who had enjoyed close relations with the empire, or com- munities fortunate to live in the favored Italian heartlands. Legal status and tax breaks were important perks of citizen rank, but there were many more factors that divided the ranks of Roman citizens into regional or social groups than there were reasons to promote their Roman identity as uniquely important to them as a monolithic group.
Even with the eventual wide spread of Latinity and Roman citizenship after and we should remember that Latin was always a language spoken by a tiny minority in the East , centrifugal forces remained as strong as centripetal ones among the polyglot and regionally diverse peoples assimilated within the imperial structures of Rome.
Bilingualism was com- mon across the empire, and linguistic mixes and competences were key elements in defining regional and social differences. There is no evidence that people in the British archipelago thought of themselves as Brit- ons or that the diverse inhabitants of North Africa had a common sense of African identity in opposition to Rome. The Roman sources sometimes referred to provincial populations in these broad terms, but these were surely externally observed groupings, imposed as a short- hand way to characterize peoples encountered by Rome.
The territories annexed to Rome were in general a patchwork— racially, linguistically, and culturally. The Germans beyond the Rhine remained a multiplicity of regional peoples; Germania was a Roman construct and to some extent an ideological fiction. Where a geographically related identity was expressed it con- tinued to be most commonly the town or place of birth or a regionally defined entity native civitas or pre-existing ethnic name. Commonalities: The Romanization Approach The Romanization paradigm has had its problems dissected, to the point of dismemberment, by British Romanists across the last 20 years.
The journey I took from initial acceptance of Romanization as a key construct of the discipline, to something that needed special nuancing to be useful, to outright rejection of the paradigm can easily be traced in my published work. It will suffice to summarize my main objections to Romanization and to explain why I have decided to abandon it as an explanatory device. Mattingly Romanization places emphasis above all on elite sites, Roman state structures, monumen- tal public buildings, and elite culture, and universalizes the experience of this culture and the valuing of it across Roman society, whereas there are good reasons to see access to these Roman markers as being much more restricted in Roman society.
The preceding point shows how Romanization has led us to take a fundamentally pro-Ro- man and top-down view of the empire. This is also partly affected by the choice of monuments to excavate and display for public consumption— which reflect the elite and state- focused agenda public monuments in towns, villas, and urban domus associated with artworks, forts, etc.
Meanwhile, field survey and rescue archaeology in many countries, especially in Europe, but also in other parts of the empire, have started to publicize a more random cross-section of archaeology, including lesser rural settlements and lower order urban habitation. The new data produced by this sort of work stretches the Romanization paradigm to the limit. Romanization can also be said to focus to a greater extent on the degree of sameness within and across provinces, rather than on the degree of difference or divergence.
As we shall see, when we seek to examine identity, it is the diversity of culture and behavior that is potentially most revealing about social attitudes across the full spectrum of society. Romanization also suffers from being an intellectually lazy shortcut in that it is commonly used to describe both the process and the result of cultural change, introducing a strong ele- ment of circularity to the argument. It is an unhelpful term in that it implies that cultural change was unilateral and unilinear, prioritizing the Roman aspect of complex cultural interactions and encouraging the use of binary oppositions such as Roman : native.
It is part of a modern colonial discourse on the nature of empire, being formulated in the late nineteenth- and early twentieth- century heyday of modern European and American empires. Quite apart from the issue of whether the term has continuing practical utility is the issue of whether the modern colonial associations render it unsuited and potentially damag- ing to our subject in a postcolonial age. Through long and varied use in different scholarly traditions, Romanization has multiple meanings and understandings, making it a flawed paradigm.
A final point about Romanization is that it has generally been more central to studies of western than eastern provinces. Its application to the cultural complexity of Egypt or the Asian territories of the empire, for instance, has always been unconvincing lip service to a dogma developed in the European lands. Dura-Europos is a classic instance, in fact, of a city that pushed cultural boundaries in different directions, spatially and chronologically. I think a more radical approach to the issue is desirable, though I need to be clear that I am not advocating that Romanists abandon the study of the phenomenon formerly referred to as Romanization.
Rather I am suggesting that we approach the issue of cultural change from other directions, allowing us to reach new understandings of the mass of data already accumulated and informing the agenda of future study. Diversity and Difference: The Potential of Identities Identity is very much the Zeitgeist of archaeology 21 and classical studies at present.
Indeed there is a possibility that classics has arrived at the party late, when other guests have departed the scene. No doubt some of the difficulties relate to the semantic looseness with which the term is employed. The analytical value of the concept is much reduced when its meaning is so ambiguous or when the interpretational emphasis is focused on the essentialist construction of a primary affiliation for an individual or group.
Clearly there is a need for other practitioners in classical studies also to be explicit in their theoretical and methodological approaches to identity, to minimize ambiguity in the employment of the term. In this light, we can see that Romanization has tended to produce a reified view of a Roman identity, which is smoothed and averaged across chrono- logical, spatial, and social boundaries to the point where it in fact does not correspond to the precise evidence on the ground at any particular place or moment. My approach to the use of identity in relation to the Roman Empire can be summa- rized in a few brief points.
A key theme of my work is to explore evidence for different broad identity groups in provinces under Roman rule. In a world of potentially infinite identity presentations, it is preferable to seek to delineate some broad communities rather than atomization to the level of individuals. My initial work has focused on detecting gross differences between these groups in terms of material culture and behavior patterns.
For instance, in studies of Britain and Africa, I have delineated large differences between the identity markers of urban, rural, and military communities. Identity studies also allow us to access and assess differing levels of social conformity in Roman society. Mattingly were not simply about emulation as Romanization has tended to suggest. Rather the desire to create a sense of differentiation and distance from other groups in society often seems to have been a crucial factor in material and behavioral choices.
Identity lends itself to explora- tion of both inter- and intra- communal difference. It has also become apparent that within the broad communities I defined there was lots of internal variability in the use of material culture and that there was dynamic change across time leading to a plurality of identities. Identity and Material Culture A major problem in the archaeological application of identity studies concerns the use of material culture as evidence.
Some artifacts convey clear information about associated behaviors. For example, the distribution of amphorae and the incidence of graffiti on pots at sites in Britain illustrate different consumption behaviors among the military community in comparison to urban and rural communities. Graffiti on pots also speaks to us of the emphasis on literate behaviors in the military. While the adoption of shiny red pottery fine wares has sometimes rather simplistically been equated with Romanization, the spread of similar styles of pottery in many areas was more likely a consequence of the globalization of the Roman world such as the vessels from Gaul and Tunisia in the present exhibition, plates , Identity patterns are more concealed and pertain to different usage made of pottery by various groups in society, by the emergence of different types of vessels at a regional level, or the preference for certain vessel types by different sectors of the provincial community.
In North Africa, for instance, there are comparatively few excavated sites with comprehensive pub- lications of all classes of pottery and small finds, whereas in Britain not only are excavated assemblages published in detail backed up by grey literature reports in other cases , 34 but there is also a major national cataloguing and mapping program related to surface and met- al-detected finds the Portable Antiquities Scheme. Hella Eckardt s work has revealed very different levels of engagement with a range of artifact types across my three communities military, urban, and rural. Lamps and by implication arti- ficial light were overwhelmingly connected with the military community and the largest cities, while a range of toilet implements reveal a distribution much more focused on smaller urban centers and rural communities.
What is clear is that the associated behaviors and use context of material culture beyond the frontiers often followed unusual patterns, creating distinctive expressions of indigenous identity, not pale imitations of Rome. Why might this not also apply to some instances of uptake of Roman material culture within the provinces? Artifacts that are perceived as artworks are a particularly well studied subset of Roman material culture, though the tendency is often to correlate discoveries within an established canon of classical art, with less attention paid to regional peculiarities and distinctiveness or to pre-existing traditions of art.
The art of the Roman Empire was a product of the colonial environment in which it was created and more work is needed to draw this out. In part because artifacts, especially art objects and precious items, are divorced from their use context, some of our interpretations are a bit relativist. In fact, Romanization theory has encouraged us to sum and amplify the main material culture markers and draw conclusions about the degree of Romanness present.
As I have been arguing, however, a fundamental point about the analysis of artifacts is that it was not generally the artifacts that defined identity; rather it was the specific associ- ated behaviors and contexts of use. I argue that identity is the product of a complex set of interactions involving structure and agency, material culture and behavior. Mattingly convey here is the complex interplay between artifacts, behaviors, and aspects of individual agency and social structure that should be considered in defining identity. While it may not always be possible to delineate all these factors in full from the archaeological material avail- able, we should at least attempt to keep all these in mind.
Discrepant Identity A further key ingredient of my approach to identity is the recognition that the social behav- iors witnessed across Roman society were to some extent contingent on the colonial context. In the early days of Romanization theory there was a common assumption that Rome had a deliberate and evolved cultural program, designed to make the provinces more Roman and thus easier to govern. In more recent times, the emphasis has shifted to native agency as an explanation for the patterns of adoption of Roman identity.
These create condi- tions in which individuals charged with delivering elements of imperial rule from governors, to soldiers, to councilors, to tax collectors had the opportunity, or the latent potential at least, to exceed their brief. The perception of how power operated or could operate was thus a factor in guiding behavioral choices and further consequential acts. Chart illustrating effects of imperial power structures. It is commonly stated in Roman studies that the empire was an overall good thing for its subject peoples and that incorporation into the provincial structure brought tangible 42 Identities in the Roman World: Discrepancy, Heterogeneity, Hybridity, and Plurality improvements in the lives of millions.
The Roman world was a drastically unequal society and it is worth reflecting on the characteristics of such societies before we conclude that Rome was uniquely accommodating and inclusive among empires and that her subject peoples were uncommonly consensual. One of the most interesting books of recent years on the formation of complex societies and the emergence of kingdoms and empires has focused on the way in which such societies are built on progressively more dramatic exploitation of underprivileged members, through the emergence of hierarchies of inequality.
Detailed statistical analysis of Wilkinson and Pickett on modern societies has demonstrated the opposite may be the case. Across a huge range of social markers, what they have found is that the performance of unequal societies significantly lags behind that of more equal ones. This effect shows up not only in things like life expectancy, violence, and social mobility, but also in health and mental illness, educational attainment, social problems and anti-social behavior, happiness, and other measures of human wellbe- ing.
But the strong modern correlation between inequality in societies and a range of negative social markers should surely give us pause for thought about our default view of the Roman world. To play a thought game for a moment, if we did have unlimited access to Roman census data from a range of provinces and their predecessors would those data actually uphold the assumed picture of a benevolent and beneficent empire raising the standard of living of the vast majority?
Just as the great colonial era buildings of London and Paris do not represent a time of universally improved living conditions, life-expectancy, incomes, and social cohesion in those cities, so we should avoid the temptation to equate the monu- mental achievements of Roman architecture with the greater good in provincial societies. There is in fact some archaeological evidence from human skeletal analysis to suggest that life expectancy in some areas of the Roman Empire was lower than in pre-Roman times. The work of Rebecca Redfern has been particularly impressive in this regard, as she has been able to work with groups of both late Iron Age and Roman inhumations from south- ern England and thus to compare data on human stature, longevity, disease, and a range of health markers.
The assumed universal benefits of membership in the Roman Empire were thus in all probability far less apparent to the majority of its inhabitants than they have been to generations of modern scholars. The idea that funerary practices were characterized by cremation burial in the early Principate, with this being increasingly replaced by inhumation in mid-late imperial times is at best a partial truth even in the western provinces where the pat- tern is most commonly encountered.
For the East, Egypt, and Africa the patterns were much more varied. The first stage of my analysis of discrepant identity has been to explore the distinctiveness in material culture and behaviors of the military community, town dwellers, and rural populations in two provinces, Britain and Africa. Here I have expanded on the work of specialists on the Roman army, such as Simon James, who have constructed an impres- sive picture of the army as a distinctive community, with organizational structures, dress, linguistic practices, and an array of distinctive behaviors that set soldiers apart from the majority of civilians in the provinces.
A good example concerns the inci- dence of Latin tombstones in Britain fig. This has gen- erally been assumed a normative Roman practice that was widely adopted across Britain, among soldiers and civilians alike. Adams and Tobler, for instance, assumed an even split between military and civilian use of tombstones fig. At the same time, tombstones from rural districts are extremely rare and the exceptions appear to be associated with extraordinary circumstances suspected imperial estates, the territories of veteran colo- niae, and so on , while finds from towns for the most part can be attributed to the military community soldiers on secondment or in transit, imperial officials, veterans and their families or to foreigners i.
The British civitas center towns are notable for the absolute paucity of tombstones recovered other than those relating to these exceptional and external groups. Most of these towns have produced either one or zero tombstones. This surely reflects a non-partici- patory cultural choice on the part of the vast majority of native Britons. That is not to imply that the issues of commonality lack con- tinuing relevance, but merely to reflect that after more than a century of the Romanization agenda those aspects of cultural change are quite well exposed. There is a further impact of the neglect or de-em- phasis of evidence of heterogeneity and long-continued pre-Roman traditions in that such evidence sits uncomfortably with conventional notions of an inclusive and consensual Ro- man Empire.
A growing interest in postcolonial approaches to imperialism among some archaeologists 60 has been opposed by others with entrenched interests in the model of a benevolent Roman Empire. It is precisely in this light that the exploration of the underlying factors that explain the hybrid and diverse culture and cultural practices of the Roman Empire in its entirety is such a pressing need. When engaging in colonial comparisons it seems to me that we need to focus on underlying processes rather than the specific mechanics of colonial systems, as Stark and Chance have done recently in exploring the strategies adopted by provincials in empires.
The detail varies, but the behaviors can generally be equated with a range of options: bol- stering, emulation, resistance, exodus, information control, appropriation, complicity, as- similation fig.
Strategies of provincials in imperial societies after Stark and Chance , Plurality versus Singular Affiliations In his book Identity and Violence Amartya Sen eloquently makes the case for why we need to give more attention to multiple affiliations in social analysis, instead of over- emphasizing singular affiliations, like nation-state or religion. Mattingly predictable conclusions.
Brubaker, while voicing semantic concerns about the use of the term identity, has highlighted in his other work the importance of multiple ways of defining groupness. Both writers stress that factors that help define groups may be either specific to the individual or influenced by external factors such as the structure and agency rela- tionship. One of the key questions to ask about political changes is the extent to which they were transformative of the lived experience of people. This is well illustrated by a story told by Hugo Gryn in his memoir of growing up in what is now southeast Slovakia.
In the course of the second century BCE, for example, the North African coastal city of Lepcis Magna moved from being a Carthaginian dependency, to a territory of the Numidian Kingdom, to a self-governing Libyphoenician community, to an ally of Rome, to an effective part of the Roman Empire. Each of those political changes will have involved cultural realignments. Plural identities need to be investigated at a number of different levels, not simply in terms of ethnic, linguistic, or political units — which tend to dominate identity politics.
In my recent work, I have suggested that identity in the Roman provinces may have been defined by in no particular order : status, wealth, location, employment, religion, place of origin, family or ethnicity, proximity of engagement with the Roman imperial project, legal condition, language, literacy, gender, and age. It is unlikely that there was a predomi- nant factor that consistently outranked others. Scholars of early Christianity recognize that religious identity did not serve as a primary affiliation until long after Christianity was established as the dominant religion.
In this example I present the complex identity markers that can be deduced about Regina, a British slave who was freed by and married to Barates, a Syrian with a connection to the Roman army in northern Britain. The iconography of the tombstone fig. The true story of Regina shows that her identity and her life were far less straightforward and typical, with a sinister shadow cast by her enslavement. This Libyphoenician city was trans- formed from the reign of Augustus into one of the most recognizable Roman centers in North Africa, boasting early examples of Italian- style theaters, market buildings, and pedimental temples.
These early adopters also embraced Latin epigraphy for public inscriptions initially as part of handsome bilingual texts , togate statues, and, increasingly as the first century CE progressed, Roman naming practices and the other perks of citizenship. Exca- vations at Lepcis have shown a diversity of Roman burial and commemorative practices. Initially, many burials continued to be made in specially constructed hypogea of Libyphoe- nician type. The hypogea type of burial at Lepcis is well illustrated by a double-chambered example at Gelda, c.
The two funerary chambers were each constructed with 10 niches for cinerary urns, with a wide bench running around the walls in front of the niches for the placement of other grave goods. One of the chambers had been completely cleared in antiquity, but the other contained 1 1 cremations and three inhuma- tions, evidently deposited between the Flavian period and the mid-second century.
The burial rite employed, the tomb contents, and the epigraphic indications on the cinerary urns provide a remarkable record of a society in cultural transition. The family seems to have been from the very top level of Lepcitanian society, as indicated by the quality of the burial monument, the best of the ash urns and associated grave goods, including fragments of two folding stools. Two types of cinerary urn were used: the earlier form was a gabled stone chest; the later type a stone vase, some plain, some with elaborate vegetal decoration.
Most of the urns carried engraved inscriptions, the earlier examples in Neo-Punic script, the later ones in Latin characters. Considerable interest lies in the naming practices observed on the ash chests and urns. Two of the ash chests had Neo-Punic inscriptions, but evidently related to individuals who already at that time possessed Roman citizenship, Publius Flavius Proculus Iaton and [Pub- lius Flavius] Iustus Iaton.
- Alışveriş Sepeti.
- Minimalist Interfaces: Evidence from Indonesian and Javanese (Linguistik Aktuell Linguistics Today, LA 155);
- Richard Hingley.
The final element is evidently a peregrine name added to the tria nomina. The third ash chest bore the name Flavia Amothmic Nysfur in Latin. The vase urns all had inscriptions in Latin letters, but though seemingly dealing with Roman citizens the form of names did not generally respect the expected form of presentation of tria nomina see fig. The vase urns represented an innovation of the Flavian period and probably derived from Roman models, though several were of clear local manufacture.
Overall, this fascinating assemblage shows a family of early adopters at work, taking on Roman citi- zenship and Roman names, but maintaining onomastic practices in the tomb that evoked earlier identity markers in Punic and Libyan society. This family was also quick to switch to coffined inhumation and plaster portrait busts in the mid- second century. Other Lepcitanian hypogea have revealed a similar pattern of non-synchronicity between the forms of names on public inscriptions or on funerary inscriptions outside the tomb and the use of Neo-Punic or abbreviated Latin names on the cinerary urns.
Mattingly Urn no. Form on urn Reconstructed name? Namgyddus 7 C. Candidus or Candida?
There are few young children represented in the hundreds of cremations from Lepcis, and on the ash chests female names are much less common than male ones 33 : Both of these anomalies may reflect continuation of pre-Roman cultural traits. A final point about the hypogeal burials is that they continued in use even after the switch to inhumation and the fact that the inhumations were inserted into the hypogea alongside the existing ash urns that were moved to one side but not cleared out completely, suggests continuity of family use.
The contrast between building dedications from within the city where tria nomina were generally used by prominent Lepcitanians from the late first century CE and funerary texts on mausolea, evidently for people of the same sort of elevated social status, is striking. The man commemorated on the Qasr Duirat mausoleum near Lepcis, C. Marius Boccius Zurgem, has a distinctly Libyan extra cognomen and this pattern echoes other examples.
The first use of Latin varied across different types of inscriptional contexts with its use initially overlapping with Neo-Punic : public inscriptions were the first to change, fol- lowed by funerary inscriptions, and finally by names inscribed on the urns within tombs. Nor was there a synchronous cutoff point across these different types of inscriptions when Neo-Punic gave way finally to Latin.
In other words, the Libyphoenician elite adopted Latin much sooner and more completely in the public sphere than in the domestic sphere. Punic remained the key spoken language at Lepcis, and its use in funerary inscriptions long out- lasted its disappearance in public inscriptions. The funerary landscape at Lepcis thus reveals a rather different pattern of identity presentation to the monumental urban core and the world of public inscriptions, statues, and mosaics.
In my work on Britain and Africa, I have dealt with very different types of data. Britain is rich in published artifact assemblages covering a wide range of materials but is com- paratively weak in epigraphic and literary data. Africa has a disproportionate volume of inscriptions and literary texts, notably from the Christian period, whereas the artifactual record is heavily slanted toward elite artworks, with few sites for which the mundane cul- ture of daily life has been well published. Nonetheless, I have found in both cases that the approach of discrepant identity has yielded interesting and valid results.
New approaches to data collection can enhance the 48 Identities in the Roman World: Discrepancy, Heterogeneity, Hybridity, and Plurality datasets available, as in the outstanding work on household assemblages carried out by Anna Boozer in the Dakhla oasis town of Amheida. Nor do we need the extraordinary preservation conditions of sites like Dura-Europos, Amheida, or Pompeii to engage in the sort of analysis of identities that I am advocating. All that is required is a change of mindset and asking different questions of the available evidence.
Cultural Backwaters and Cultural Backwash In there was a major exhibition in central Rome, spread across the Colosseum and several monuments in the Roman Forum. Roma Caput Mundi. It posed the old question: How was it that the Roman Empire enjoyed such success in unifying the ancient Mediterranean and lands beyond for so long? The theme of domination, though given equal billing in the title, was much less prominent in the displays, which strongly emphasized integration as the key aspect of Roman imperialism.
Perhaps inevitably, Romanization still looms large in the model proposed: The Romanisation of Italy and the provinces was not like a blanket spread over cities and countryside with the intention of eliminating diversity and turning the infinitely varied colours of local culture into a monochrome fabric. Rebellions were put down ruthlessly, but the Romans did not force their culture on submissive former enemies. Romanisation was the highest privilege they could offer, and since they were convinced that their culture was superior, they thought it natural that foreigners should make it their own.
Individuals chose to be- come Romanised because they were attracted to Roman culture, because it raised their social status, because it allowed them access to local and public offices. Romanisation was like a unique tree that spread the same branches everywhere, but produced fruits of different flavours. However, the Rome exhibition in fact illustrated a very different pattern of cultural interaction. Since virtually all the material pre- sented in the exhibition came from Rome or Italy, the real subject was the transformation of the metropolitan heartland of the Roman Empire and the integration of an extraordinary diversity of new cultural markers, religions, and ethnic groups within Roman society.
The catalogue is filled with images of these cultural innovations often culturally incongruous in the context of republican Italy, with much epigraphic testimony of migration of people from all corners of the empire, some voluntarily, some forced. Here we encounter one of the great paradoxes of imperialism: the more wide-flung and diverse the cultural territories incor- porated, the greater the long-term transformation of the metropolitan core, with cultural change at the center generally running at a faster pace and exceeding the transformation in the provinces.
Mattingly like Rome — the individual provinces were opened up to new cultural ideas from Rome and to potentially enhanced regional contacts and migration flows, but the effects often appear to be focused at certain key sites, or on particular social groups mainly elites and representative of only a subset of the totality of the material culture of the Roman Empire. On the other hand, the metropolitan center was open to reciprocal cultural flows and mi- gration with all the provinces. The scale and pace of cultural change was thus much more dramatic and multi-dimensional than what we encounter in the provinces.
Many provincial territories remained relative cultural backwaters, where pre-Roman traditions and practices were long maintained, while we might characterize what we witness at Rome as the cultural backwash of empire. The cultural changes were not always welcome in conservative Rome — as the section in the Roma Caput Mundi exhibition on the attempted repression of the Bacchanalia in BCE illustrates.
But it is equally apparent from the sequel to the ultimately unsuccessful action against the Bacchic cult that the Roman state had limited ability to constrain or con- trol the multilateral process of cultural exchanges that imperial conquest had unleashed. Like the tide coming in, cultural backwash is an unavoidable side effect of empire.
Conclusions In this paper, I have advanced eight key arguments. In the first place, I challenge the common assumption that there was a clear-cut Roman identity that was widely adopted across the Roman world. This has implications for the way in which we approach the material culture and behaviors of people living in the Roman provinces. Linked to this first proposition, I also think it mistaken to prioritize a singular non-Roman alternative identity. Thirdly, this Roman : non-Roman binary opposition is embedded in Romanization theory and is a further reason we need to replace the Roman- ization discourse with new approaches linked to identity.
My fifth point relates to my own approach to identity, which takes as its starting points the inherent diversity of material culture in the Roman world and the fact that imperial systems elicit discrepant behavioral responses covering a broad spectrum from resistance to consensual participation.
The next point acknowledges that while there is value in looking for variance in identity markers and behaviors at the level of broad groups — the army, townspeople, rural commu- nities — it is evident that there was huge variance within these groups as well as between them and a plurality of identities resulted which were dynamic rather than static.
My seventh point recognizes that the ultimate goal of studying identity in the Roman world is not simply to categorize specific examples the stamp collecting approach , but to use such studies to arrive at a deeper understanding of how the impact of the Roman Empire operated at the social level, revealing the varied choices and priorities of the mil- lions of subjects, not simply the culture and aspirations of the ruling elite who have pre- dominated in the Romanization view.
Finally, I have suggested that the cultural flows between metropolitan center and provinces, between province and province, and between provinces and center are highly variable. Paradoxically, especially in relation to the assumptions underlying a model like Romanization, the greatest net cultural change in an imperial system is often located at its metropolitan center due to the focusing there of the diverse cultural influences of all the provinces.
This is what Edwards and Woolf encapsulated in Rome the Cosmopolis, but we 50 Identities in the Roman World: Discrepancy, Heterogeneity, Hybridity, and Plurality might equally think of Rome as one of the first multicultural cities, characterized not by its sense of unchanging Romanitas so much as myriad plural identities. Mattingly Portsmouth: Journal of Roman Archaeology, , quote from Rives Oxford: Oxford University Press, Lisa R.
Hoffman, exh. Richard Alston and Samuel N. Lieu Turnhout: Brepols, , Baird and Claire Taylor New York: Routledge, , , for an attempt to show how different communities within the town employed graffiti in varied ways and to different degrees. Horsnaes, eds. Fondon: Routledge, My analysis of the shortcom- ings of some of the traditional approaches to artifactual studies is not intended as a criticism of their work, but rather an observation on a lack of critical rigor in the field more generally. As is apparent from the papers presented in this volume, there is a commendable engagement with new agendas among the contributors.
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Mattingly 39 Thomas Grane, ed. Mattingly, ed. Hill, eds. See also Johnston in this volume. Felix Pirson Mainz: Von Zabern, , Lyons and John K. Papadopoulos, eds.